On the Politics of Gender and Ethnicity

References:

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Endnotes:


[i]For early women's movement (prior to the World War I) in regions that would after the WW I become Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and for the First Wave of feminism (between World War I and II) see Slapsak (2000). For the Second Wave - 1970s and 1980s - see Papic (1994).

[ii]It should be noted that the newly established groups were not only feminist. Many women-centred groups were created, often engaged in similar kind of work as the feminist groups: aid and support for refugees, work with victims of sexual violence, lobbying. Although the number of new feminist groups formed during the war is impressive, it is still considerably smaller than that of women's groups. Benderly (1997:71; note 3) for instance mentions that only in Bosnia-Hercegovina there were about 54 women's groups, but only four of these defined themselves explicitly as feminist. The Union of Women's Organizations of the Republic of Macedonia (established in 1994) for instance, is formed out of 25 women's groups and organizations (with 23.000 registered members). Most of them are called women's NGO's, a few are named as organizations of `mothers', some are defined ethnically (Serb women's organization; organization of Albanian women in Macedonia). None of these claim to be feminist. In Kosovo, where the forming of women's groups is still at its beginning, the few that exist do not define themselves as feminist. 

Some of these groups were nationalists, and many of them are women's wings of various political or religious groups. Others continue traditions of socialist women's organizations concerned with issues defined through the notions of emancipation of women and changes in traditional, patriarchal values. Some of the groups were explicitly anti-feminist, others saw feminism as one of the ways of doing things for women, not necessarily their way, but nevertheless relevant.

[iii].Within only a couple of years these activities - including women's studies programmes - ceased being the exclusive preserve of the capital cities. Today, almost every middle-sized town in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Serbia has at least one feminist group, usually with a range of different activities: from humanitarian to S.O.S. hot-lines and women's crisis centres against sexual violence. One S.O.S. hot-line also exists in Skoplje, capital of Macedonia. A Centre for Protection of Women and Children also operates in the capital of Kosovo. For good overviews and analyses of various feminist groups and their activities just prior to, and during the war, in different territories of ex-Yugoslavia, see Benderly (1997), Cockburn (1991, for Serbia; 1998, & 2000, for Bosnia), Devic (2000), Huges et al (1995), Mladjenovic & Litricin (1993), Rener (1996, for Slovenia), Slapsak (2000). For Croatia see also journal Kruh & Ruze nos. 5/6 (1995/6) and no. 9 (1998) (all with English summary). Directory of Women's Groups in Croatia (1998) lists about 40 feminist groups. For Serbia see Politicki Adresar (Political Addressbook, 1995), which, although incomplete, lists 15 groups, seven in Belgrade and eight in other big cities in Serbia.  

[iv]A rare example of detailed comparative analysis and - even more rare - translating analysis into practice - is to be seen in academic-cum-activist work of Cynthia Cockburn (1998).She conducted comparative analysis of women's activism in Bosnia, Northern Ireland and Israel/Palestine and assisted in the establishment of cooperation networks between the activist groups from these three region.  

[v]For a variety of approaches to rape, and for criticism of international feminist writing on rape, by Yugoslav feminists, see Korac (1994), Zarkov (1997), Nikolic-Ristanovic (1998; 2000), Kasic (2000).